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The shooting down of Falcon 50 jet carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda, President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, and French flight crew. April 6, 1994.

An eye witness account. By code name “Water Melon”. Narrated on January 17, 25, and 28, 2007. Narrated to Timothy Kalyegira.

1. At the time of the August 1993 ceasefire between the government of Rwanda and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in Arusha, Tanzania, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) had set up its military intelligence headquarters at Mulindi, in the Byumba district of Rwanda.

2. The Commanding Officer of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) in the RPA was Colonel Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa. The vice Commanding Officer was Lieutenant Colonel Jackson Mutabazi Rwahama. Water Melon was an escort to Rwahama.

3. At the time of the invasion of Rwanda in October 1990, Rwahama was a Captain. He was later to become the Commanding Officer of the RPA Military Police after 1994. Up to 1993, Rwahama was the administrative officer of the RPA’s Directorate of Military Intelligence.

4. Under the terms of the Arusha accords, the RPA’s DMI was to provide security to the RPF Members of Parliament in Kigali who had been selected to represent the RPF in the National Assembly. 600 RPA soldiers were to be based at the parliament in Kigali to provide this security to the RPF members of parliament. The RPA unit at the Kigali parliament buildings was called the Republican Guard.

5. The DMI agents used to transport firewood to the RPA soldiers at the parliament buildings which was used for cooking. The firewood was ferried in a Mercedes Benz trailer lorry.

6. Hidden on the floor of the Mercedes trailer were RPA soldiers whom the RPA was secretly taking to Kigali to reinforce the 600 soldiers agreed upon under the terms of the Arusha accords. A few RPA soldiers at a time were ferried to Kigali until their total reached 1,400 men. This brought the total number of RPA soldiers in Kigali to 2,000. At that point, the RPA stopped taking any more men to Kigali and the mission was brought to an end.

7. Around February 1994, the RPF went on a secret mission. The Rwandese refugees in Uganda had created an association which they called “Banyamulyango”, to coordinate their political and social activities.

8. Secretly, a large consignment of machetes (known in East Africa as pangas) was purchased and sent to the NRA detach at a place called Kamwezi in the Kabale district of southwest Uganda. The machetes were wrapped in polythene paper and packed in wooden crates.

9. They were loaded onto a yellowish-green Tata lorry with Ugandan registered number plates. The RPA intelligence officer, Lt. Colonel Jackson Rwahama, came to the RPA detach in a red Toyota single cabin pick up and received the machete consignment.

10. Rwahama then drove across the border into Rwanda and with the Tata lorry behind him, the consignment was taken to the PRA headquarters at Mulindi. High security was observed around the lorry. Soldiers who saw the machetes as they were unpacking them were told that they had been brought to clear the jungle and bush area around the Mulindi camp.

11. In March 1994, the RPA turned to another mission: to try and locate the best vantage point to position themselves as close as possible to the flight paths over the Kanombe airport. “Water Melon” was able to establish this new mission based on the conversations that he picked up as an escort to the DMI’s vice commanding officer, Lt. Col. Rwahama.

12. To carry out this reconnaissance, the DMI operatives had to evade roadblocks set up in Kigali by the FAR government army. To do this, they got help from a Tutsi employee of the United Nations based in Kigali.

13. This Tutsi who worked for the UN, was in his 50s or late 40s, he lived in a suburb of Kigali called Kikukiro, and most of his family lived in Burundi.

14. This Tutsi man drove a blue Toyota Hilux single cabin pickup and his role was to guide the RPA’s DMI agents around Kigali and he helped them locate the best vantage point below the aerial flight paths leading to Kanombe airport.

15. The UN guide took the RPA DMI personnel on three trips to study the Kigali area. The first trip took them along the Bugesera, while the second reconnaissance trip took the group long the Mulindi road. They came back through the Masaka road and returned to the Parliament buildings.

16. A third trip was made and it would be the final one. On this third trip, the DMI crew left the Parliament buildings on foot to the home of the UN man in the Kikukiro suburb. They returned to Parliament in his Toyota pickup.

17. The RPA had an armory at their camp at the Parliament buildings. In that armory the RPA kept three missiles. These missiles and a missile launcher were wrapped in an olive green polythene material.

18. After the DMI personnel returned from the Kikukiro suburb on the Toyota pickup, they headed for the armory. They got out three missiles and took them outside. The missiles were put onto a four-inch foam mattress. The launcher was also put alongside the missiles. The mattress was then rolled and tied up.

19. Supervising the whole exercise was Lieutenant Bosco Rumenera who was the Intelligence Officer of the RPA Republican Guard. Also supervising this mission of packing the missile was Major Stephen Munyandinda, the Operations Intelligence Officer of the 600-man Republican Guard.

20. Another man on that missile team was Sergeant James Rwaka of the DMI staff. He was in charge of logistics and finances. It was his job to pay the DMI staff and pay them on their missions. He had studied for a Law degree from Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda.

21. Also on the DMI team was a man called Joseph Nyamitale. He was a Ugandan of the Bakonjo tribe from Kasese in western Uganda. He was a private in the RPA and was an artillery specialist. He had received his artillery training at the RPA’s training wing in Gikoba, in Rwanda.

22. The missiles and launcher were put onto the Toyota pickup. Then around or just after five O’Clock in the afternoon of April 6, 1994, the DMI team and their escort “Water Melon” left the Parliament buildings. The UN man was driving the pickup.

23. Bosco Rumenera was dressed in a tan suit, white shirt, and striped necktie. He was a tall man and had a missing front left tooth.

24. The UN man wore a brown shirt and ash-grey trousers. Nyamitale wore a black T-shirt and black jeans.

25. During that day, the RPA commander Major-General Paul Kagame sent a radio message to the RPA units in Kigali giving some instructions.

26. They drove along Masaka road via Mulindi and then turned onto a dirt road off the Masaka road. They drove about five kilometres along that road until they reached a house belonging to a friend of the UN man.

27. It was an old house with an iron sheet roof. Outside the house were four cows grazing. The DMI team stayed inside the house until after sunset and then set off again.

28. The DMI team walked to a nearby hillock and settled at the top of it. The hillock was about 50 metres away from the old house.

29. This hillock was about three kilometres away from Kanombe airport and the DMI team could see the lights of the airport in the distance from where they stood.

30. The Tutsi UN man remained in his pickup a short distance away from the old house as the DMI team settled on top of the hill.

31. On top of that small hill was a large white tent with the initials “UNHCR” printed on it. The DMI team took the missiles and launcher with them into the tent where they were unwrapped.

32. The missile launcher was an olive green military colour. It was in two parts that the DMI team fitted together into one tube. The point where the two tubes were joined together was black. The DMI team then waited for a while. It was now around half past seven or coming toward eight O’Clock in the evening.

33. About 30 minutes after they arrived at the hillock, a male voice came on Lt. Bosco Rumenera’s Motorola two-way radio. Lt. Bosco Rumenera’s radio code name was “Sixteen-Charlie”.

34. The voice called out, in English: “Sungu-Sungu, Four-Nine-Romeo.”
Sungu-Sungu replied, in English, “Go ahead.”
Four-nine-Romeo then said, in English, “Connect me Double Five.”
Sungu-Sungu called out three times: “Double Five?” but there was no reply from Double Five.
Sung-Sungu then told Four-Nine-Romeo, in Kiswahili and English: “Enda direct kwa Two-Zero-Nine.” (“Go direct to Two-Zero-Nine”).
Four-Nine-Romeo then called out three times, in English: “Two-Zero-Nine, Four-Nine-Romeo?”
Four-Nine-Romeo then came back, in English: “Two-Zero-Nine connect me Sixteen-Charlie.”
Two-Zero-Nine then called twice, in English: “Sixteen-Charlie, Two-Zero-Nine?”
Two-Zero-Nine then replied, in English: “Four-Nine-Romeo, go ahead.”
Four-Nine-Romeo then called out, in English: “Sixteen-Charlie, Four-Nine-Romeo?”
Sixteen-Charlie then replied, in Kiswahili: “Sukuma ujumbe.” (“Send your message”).
Four-Nine-Romeo then gave the order, in Kiswahili: “”Okiwone kitu yote, piga!” (“If you see anything, hit!”)
After that order, Sixteen-Charlie replied, in English: “Over, out.”

35. The artillery specialist, Private Joseph Nyamitale, then got the launcher, now with a missile inside it, and placed it on his shoulder. He pointed the launcher into the dark night sky.

36. The missile launcher then started giving off a wailing, siren-like noise. Nyamitale then told his colleagues in Kiswahili: “Missile ena liya. Kwisha pata target.” (“The missile is crying. It has located its target.”)

37. After Nyamitale said this, the escort “Water Melon” of the DMI was ordered to leave the location and return to the old house. A teenage boy at the old house who had followed the team out of curiosity was also sent back to the house.

38. The escorts had barely left the location when they heard a single explosion at the location where the DMI officers stood. It was the sound of the missile being fired.

39. The escorts stayed at the house while the team led by Bosco Rumenera remained at the location where they had fired the missile. During the aftermath of the firing of the missile, Bosco Rumenera and his team got into steady radio communication with unknown people in another part of town.

40. The lights at the airport remained on for a while in the immediate aftermath of the shooting down of the presidential jet.

41. Three hours later, at about 11:00 p.m., on April 6, 1994, the escorts were finally called back and told to pack the remaining two missiles onto the back of the Toyota pickup. The team then drove off.

42. The team, driven by the UN Tutsi official, encountered a roadblock at Mulindi manned by the government soldiers. The UN man suggested that they avoid the roadblock and instead walk through the nearby bush back to the Parliament buildings.

43. The DMI team got out of the pickup and started walking in the direction of the airport while the UN official turned back and drove in the opposite direction with the two remaining missiles and other accessories.

44. The DMI team emerged from the bush and onto the road leading from the airport to the Lemera suburb of Kigali. The whole of Kigali city was in upheaval, with chaos everywhere and people on the streets and roads talking about an aircraft accident. But at that time, Bosco Rumenera, Joseph Nyamitale, and the DMI team did not understand what was going on.

45. They walked on, toward a place called Kyemihurura and encountered a serious roadblock, manned by soldiers and men in civilian clothes holding machetes. The DMI team were ordered to stop but pleaded to be allowed to go on their way.

46. The soldiers ordered them to sit down by the roadside. At that point, sensing danger, Bosco Rumenera drew out a pistol and shot two of the civilians in the chest. They fell down dead on the road.

47. Other men at the roadblock, seeing this, pounced onto the DMI team and overpowered them. They cut Bosco Rumenera into pieces with a machete. Joseph Nyamitale, the man who fired the missile that blew up the Falcon 50 jet, was also hacked to death by this group manning the roadblock. Sergeant Rwaka was taken away captive.

48. The escort “Water Melon” had been walking at a distance of about 30 metres behind the DMI team and he stopped in his tracks when he saw what was happening at the roadblock.

49. After he watched his colleagues being hacked to death, he fled the scene and back in the direction from which they had come, toward town until he found the St. Famie Church and took refuge there. Inside the church were ordinary civilians, both Hutu and Tutsi, and some of them were listening to the news over small radios.

50. The news was entirely about the death of the Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi, blown up by a missile as the plane approached landing at Kanombe airport en route from a summit in Tanzania. That was when “Water Melon” made the connection between their DMI mission that night and the events unfolding in Rwanda.

51. There was no other aircraft that had been shot down by a missile or any other gunfire that night over Kigali or any other part of Rwanda. This made “Water Melon” realise that their mission, which they did not fully understand at the time, had been to shoot down the plane carrying President Habyarimana.

52. Lieutenant Bosco Rumenera and Private Joseph Nyamitale died at the roadblock without knowing the magnitude of the mission that night, April 6, 1994.





Kw’itariki ya 12/12/2011, Ihuriro Nyarwanda ryijihije umwaka umwe w’amavuko. Ubu umwaka w’ 2011 urarangiye , dutangiye uw’ 2012. Hari byinshi abatangije iri Huriro n’abariyobotse twakwishimira twagezeho mu mwaka umwe gusa. Ibitekerezo by’Ihuriro byakiriwe neza mu Banyarwanda bo mu moko yose no mu turere twose. Ibyo bitekerezo bikubiyemo imigambi ihamye yo kurangiza burundu ibibazo byugarije Abanyarwanda, nko kwicwa, gufungwa, gutotezwa, kutagira ubwinyagambuliro muri politike, kuniga itangazamakuru,kuboha societe civile, kutubahiriza uburenganzira bw’ ikiremwa muntu, kwokamwa n’ubuhunzi, gusahura umutungo w’Abanyarwanda n’abaturanyi ( DR Congo), amacakubiri ashingiye ku moko n’uturere, ubutegetsi bushingiye ku gitugu.

Ihuriro ryantangiye umwaka wa 2011 rigizwe n’abaritangiye gusa. Nubwo abitabiriye icyo gikorwa bari bake cyane, hari hatumiwe benshi. Mu mperaz’umwaka w’ 2010, n’itangiriro ya 2011, Ihuriro ryadukanye ubutumwa bushingiye kugushakisha gukemura ibibazo byavuzwe haruguru. Ihuriro Nyarwanda ryatangarije abanyarwanda n’amahanga ko riharanira ubumwe bw’Abanyarwanda, demokarasi, kwishyira ukizana kw’abaturage, imibanire y’abanyarwanda irangwa n’amahoro, guhana agaciro nyakuri, ubwubahane, guca amakimbirane ashingiye ku moko n’uturere, no kubaka igihugu kigendera ku mategeko kandi giharanira imebereho myiza y’abaturage bose.

Ihuriro Nyarwanda ryatangaje ku mugaragaro ko rizafatanya n’abanyarwanda bose guhagarika amateka arangwa n’intambara, jenoside, no guhungabanya uburenganzira bw’ikiremwamuntu mu banyarwanda; kurandura burundu umuco wo kudahana; kuzamura ubukungu bw’igihugu no kwita ku mibereho myiza y’abaturage bose; guharanira demokarasi n’ubutegesti bugendera ku mategeko; kubaka inzego z’ubutegetsi n’izumutekano ziharanara inyungu z’abaturage bose, ko twese tungana imbere y’amategeko, kurangiza burundu ikibazo cy’impunzi z’abanyarwanda; ubwiyunge no gusana imitima y’Abanyarwanda; kwitwararika imibanire myiza n’abaturanyi mu karere, gushimangira umuco wo kuvugisha ukuri no kworoherana. Ihuriro Nyarwanda ryanatangaje zimwe mu ngamba zizashyirwa mu bikorwa kugira ngo twubake urwo Rwanda rushya.

Rugikubita, abashinze Ihuriro Nyarwanda, bifashishije Komite Y’agateganyo n’abariyobotse mw’ikubitiro. Abo bose bitanze mu buryo bw’intangararugero mu kwegera no kuganira n’Abanyarwanda muri Afurika, mu Burayi, Amerika, Canada, no kw’Isi hose. Ntibyari byoroshye, ariko byari bikwiye. Nyuma y’umwaka umwe gusa, ubu ibyo bitekerezo byatangiye gushinga imizi mu myumvire y’Abanyarwanda.

Abanyarwanda baragenda barushaho kwigirira icyizere no kwizerana, kandi baragenda barushaho gufatanya kugirira icyizere ejo hazaza. Hari abantu benshi ubu bayobotse kandi bakomeje kuyoboka Ihuriro Nyarwanda. Abanyarwanda b’ingeri zose bitabiriye ibikorwa byaryo. Mu myigaragambyo n’amanama byabereye i London mu Bwongereza, i Chicago muri Amerika, i Paris mu Bufaransa, i Buruseli mu Bubiligi, i Perth muli Australia,no hirya no hino muri Afurika y’Epfo, Abanyarwanda berekanye ko bamaze gushira ubwoba, bamagana bivuye inyuma ubutegetsi bw’igitugu bwa Kagame. Kubera akazi k’Ihuriro Nyarwanda n’abafatanyije na ryo urugamba rwo kubohoza u Rwanda, cyane cyane FDU-Inkingi, ubu Kagame yahiye ubwoba, acika henshi mu bihugu yahoze yidegembyamo. Emwe n’aho agiye, asigaye agenda yikandagira, asa n’ubebera cyangwa usesera. Abanyamahanga bari bamushyigikiye ubu batangiye kugaragaza ubwicanyi bwe. Abongereza baburiye abanyarwanda batuye mu Bwongereza ko maneko za Kagame zibahiga kubica, kandi impungenge zabo bazigeza no ku bihugu baturaye bicumbikiye bashobora guhigwa n’ubutegetsi bwa Kagame; Ambasaderi Suzan Rice, uhagarariye Amerika muli ONU yareruye ati mu Rwanda nta demokarasi, nta bureganzira bw’ikiremwa muntu, abantu baranyerezwa. Afurika y’ Epfo yatangaje ku mugaragaro ko itazatanga abahunze Kagame, ngo basubizwe mu Rwanda ku gahato. Ubasanzwe twari tumenyereye ko Ihuliro Nyarwanda kimwe n’abandi batavuga rumwe na Leta y’i Kigali bavugisha Kagame amangambure, ariko noneho ubu yaragaciye; aho kugirango yumve impanuro y’uriya mudamu Suzan Rice, ubu noneho yacitse ururondogoro, asigaye avuga amatakaragasi,ngaho mu muganda i Nduba, ngaho I Kampala, ngaho muri ya nama y’igirwamishyikirano, n’ahandi. Kandi ni mu gihe, burya koko ngo “ntawuhana uwahanutse!”

Abanyarwanda batangiye gushirika ubwoba no guharanira uburenganzira bwabo. Bafitiye icyizere Ihuriro Nyarwanda ryabahaye icyerekezo, rikabatinyura, kandi rikabajya imbere mu rugamba rwo kurandura burundu ubutegetsi bw’igitugu, no kwubaka u Rwanda rushya. Abaturage bashiritse ubwoba, bifitiye icyizere kandi bafite ubushobozi n’ imbaraga zidashobora gutsindwa. Niyo mpavu Ingoma y’igitugu I Kigali rero yataye umutwe, igeze aharindimuka, irasaza imigeri, ikoresha amayeri atandukanye igamije kujijisha Abanyarwanda n’abanyamahanga. Nkuko twakomeje kubibatangariza, kandi nkuko namwe mubizi, nta ngoma yica, itegekesha igitugu, kandi isahura abaturage iramba. Mwarabyiboneye muli Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, n’ahandi hirya no hino kw’Isi.

Ihuriro Nyarwanda rirashima byimazeyo abayobozi n’abayoboke baryo bakoze akazi katanze uyu musaruro. Ihuriro rirashima kandi rishimangira umubano utagira amakemwa rifitanye na FDU-Inkingi, wo mizero yo kubakiraho ubufatanye n’andi mashyaka, imilyango y’Abanyarwanda, n’Abanyarwanda bose mu kurangiza urugamba rugomba gusozwa dutsinze. Turashimira kandi abanyarwanda uburyo bitabiriye kandi bakomeje kwitabira ibitekerezo n’ibikorwa by’Ihuriro. Ibyo tubifuriza kandi na bo bifuza ni bo bazabyigezaho. Inkunga y’abandi izaza yongera, kandi ngo ak’imuhana kaza imvura ihise. Turashimira n’abanyamahanga batangiye gusobunukirwa ububi bw’ubutegetsi bw’I Kigali, tubasaba ko barusha kureba inyungu z’Abanyarwanda bose aho gushyigikira ubutegetsi bushingiye ku muntu umwe n’agatsiko ke.

Ihuriro Nyarwanda rilibutsa abanyarwanda ko inzira ikiri ndende. Twishime kandi tunezerwe ku ibyo tumaze kugeraho, ariko twe guterera agati mu ryinyo ngo twatsinze. Abanyarwanda mu gihugu baracyari ingwate, baratotezwa, baricwa, bahiye ubwoba. Abanyarwanda barashonje, ubukene buravugiriza. Hari bagenzi bacu bafunzwe kubera impamvu za politike. Impunzi z’abanyarwanda zirabungera mu nkambi zidafite epfo na ruguru. Abarwanya ubutegetsi bw’igitugu bw’i Kigali bakeneye gushyira hamwe kurushaho ngo bubake ingufu zihagije zo gusenya vuba na bwangu ubutegetsi bubi no kwubaka ubwiza. Abanyarwanda batari bake baracyuzuyemo bya bitekerezo by’ amoko n’uturere, no gutinya ejo hazaza batareba neza. Hagati aho Kagame ntasinzira, akomeje gukora ibishoboka byose, birimo kureshyareshya bamwe mu bamurwanya, abasezeranya amafaranga, imyanya, ikuzo n’ibindi. Hari n’abanyamahanga nabo bagenzwa na twinshi bakimutsimbarayeho. Ibyo ntibidukanga, ahubwo bituma turushaho kugira imbaraga zo gukaza umurego wo guhirika igoma y’igitugu.

Nibyo hari byinshi Ihuriro ryagezeho mu 2011. Ariko hari ibindi byinshi byo gukora muri uyu mwaka dutangiye w’ 2012. Muri byo,tuzakomeza kwegera Abanyarwanda, cyane cyane mu Rwanda, tubakangurira kwisuganya no gufatanya ngo turangize uru rugamba. By’umwihariko, tuzakomeza guharanira ifungurwa ry’infungwa zose za politike, kuvugira impunzi z’Abanyarwanda zikomeje gutotezwa na Kigali ishaka kuzicyura ku ngufu, kwegera amahanga n’Imilyango mpuzamahanga mu gusobanura ikibazo cy’u Rwanda, kurushaho gushimangira umubano na FDU-Inkingi, no kubaka umubano n’andi mashyaka ndetse n’imilyango Nyarwanda, kubaka inzego z’Ihuriro no kuzitoza umuco wa demokarisi n’ imikorere ya kijyambere, gutegura no gukoresha Convention y’Ihuriro izitoramo abayobozi kandi ikemeza inzego n’ibikorwa bigamijwe mu myaka iri imbere, no gushakisha amikoro kugira ngo urugamba rufate indi ntera.

Tubamenyesheje kandi ko Ihuriro Nyarwanda (RNC), guhera uyu munsi itariki 1/1/2012 rikinguye ibiro bikuru byaryo, i Washington DC, USA, kugirango rirusheho kuvugira abanyarwanda bose batagira kivulira, no kubaka ingufu zihagije mu gutsinda urugamba tunyuze mu nzira y’amahoro.

Mwabonye umuvuduko w’Ihuriro muri 2011. Tuwukesha mwebwe abayobozi , abayoboke namwe banyarwanda, banyarwandakazi.

Mwese Ihuriro Nyarwanda ribifurije Umwaka Muhire w’ 2012.

Imana ibarinde.


Mw’Izina rya Komite y’Agateganyo n’Abayoboke b’Ihuriro

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa



Washington, DC


Rwanda has a long history of violent upheaval and ethnic and region-based cleavages. These cleavages were radicalized by long periods of poor and ineffective governance that included identity-based discrimination. Cleavages between the country‟s two major communities reached their worst level as a result of the violence, including the genocide, which the nation experienced during the 1990s. Post-genocide Rwanda has undertaken various initiatives to promote reconciliation in the aftermath of violent conflict, including genocide.
While the current government of Rwanda claims credit for having reconciled Rwandan society, it remains deeply divided along lines of ethnic identity. Several factors have acted as a hindrance to the process of national reconciliation, including:

– Reluctance of the majority of Rwandans to admit to knowledge of the circumstances in which genocide was carried out in their respective communities
– Unwillingness of perpetrators to express remorse for their crimes
– Commission of human rights abuses against members of the Hutu community during and after the genocide (including atrocities human rights violations against refugees in the Congo)
– Arbitrary arrests and detentions, extending to many years in most cases, of tens of thousands of genocide suspects
– Failure or omission of the judicial processes that Rwanda has undertaken to address human rights violations against members of the Hutu community
Prospects for reconciliation have also been undermined by various policies and practices that discriminate against certain sections of the population (including the abolition of French as a national language) and the Rwandese Patriotic Front‟s maneuvers to monopolise political power through unfair, undemocratic and often criminal means.

In order to build unity and reconciliation, the RNC will seek to ensure that there is synergy between the strategies mentioned above, notably the establishment of a democratic government, the adoption of consociational democracy, the repatriation and re-integration of refugees and the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and other forms of accountability for past human rights abuses. To further promote national unity and reconciliation, the Rwandan National Congress will seek to promote the healing of victims of the various human rights violations that have taken place, affected families and communities and the nation as a whole.

Our belief is that every individual, family and community in Rwanda has to some extent suffered trauma as the result of the violence that Rwandan society has experienced. Rwandans are victims, perpetrators or both. All Rwandans need healing for unity and reconciliation to become a reality.

The Rwanda National Congress will also support the following additional policies and programs to promote reconciliation and unity among Rwandans:

– Reform of public sector institutions, including security sector bodies, to ensure fair representation of all communities, especially in management or command levels
-The re-integration into the armed forced or civilian life of members of armed groups that have been waging war against the Rwandan state
-Restoring the French language as an additional national language
– Public debates and education programs on citizenship, diversity and co-existence, directed especially towards the youth
– Affirmative action in favour of marginalized groups, such as Batwa

STRATEGY 8: A Democracy with Rwandan Characteristics- Adoption of Consociationalism as Rwanda’s Form of Organization of Political Governance

Rwanda has long been a deeply-divided society. The violence (and particularly the genocide) that the country experienced over the past 20 years has sharpened cleavages in Rwandan society. One of the major and most significant fault lines in Rwandan society is ethnicity and regionalism. Despite the government‟s assertion that the country has made or has achieved substantial progress towards reconciliation, Rwandan society today remains deeply divided along lines of ethnic and regional identity. There is a general consensus that the major factors that drive this conflict between the country‟s two major communities include contests over the question of political participation, access to political power and access to important resources. As a result, Rwanda must find peaceful mechanisms to manage conflict over these issues if it is to avoid cyclical war and bloodshed.

One method of organizing governance in deeply divided societies (characterized by identity-related cleavages, such as conflicts based on ethnicity, religion or linguistic differences) is to deal with these societal splits at the political level through consociational power-sharing. Consociationalism is a form of democracy which seeks to regulate the sharing of power in a state that comprises diverse societies (distinct ethnic, religious, political, national or linguistic groups) by extending and allocating collective rights to these groups. Consociational democracy is characterized by decision-making processes that take into account as broad a range of opinions as possible, as opposed to systems where vote-winning majorities can potentially ignore minority opinions.

Consociationalism stands in contrast to the concept of “majoritarian democracy.”
Majoritarian systems call for the integration of minority groups and the distribution of individual rights only. However, the consociationalist approach consists of accommodating minorities and by granting them collective rights. Consociational democracy would help diverse Rwandan identities feel represented and safe while at the same time building a national identity that transcends ethnicity, regionalism or other identity.

The RNC believes that the ultimate objective in Rwandan society should be to develop a single cohesive national identity based on common and equal citizenship for every citizen of the nation. The RNC recognizes – given the history of violence, repression, exclusion and marginalization that the different groups have been subject to at one time or another – it is not possible to eliminate citizens‟ sense of identity and fear of victimization by “the other community” in the short run. It is necessary to provide adequate guarantees to the Tutsi community that democratically-elected governments in the future will not again succeed in organizing genocide against them.

The RNC further proposes that Rwanda must avoid conflict by adopting a consociational form of distribution of political power in all political, military and security institutions of the country. All communities must enjoy the opportunity to participate effectively in the management of the state and to protect their fundamental rights and interests.

As such, the Rwanda National Congress believes:

-All communities should have the opportunity to participate in the management of the state as Rwanda gradually develops a national identity that transcends ethnicity
– There must immediately begin an orientation towards building consensus rather than mutual exclusion
-Rwanda must embrace open, transparent and accountable government, civil society, and a thriving and entrepreneurial private sector
– The rule of law permeates all aspects of society
– Effective and efficient institutions must be created forthwith that respond to the needs and aspirations of all communities in an inclusive and democratic way

Rwanda has previously experienced positive developments in its many centuries of existence. That we – Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa alike – are all Rwandans is undeniable. We celebrate with pride what and who we are, our collective contribution to what has been positive in our society and our common heritage as Rwandans. Yet during the last 50 years, Rwandans have instigated and repeated tragedies of unimaginable proportions, including the crime of genocide. Rwandans have inflicted, and still inflict, immense destruction, death and suffering on their fellow Rwandans, often with the government and its institutions as the shameless and callous organizer and cheerleaders of barbarous acts.

Beneath the thousand hills of Rwanda and the jungles of neighboring countries are the vast seas of blood, tears, fear and shame that now characterize us as a people. The current government of Rwanda has failed to learn from the obvious lessons of these appalling experiences. It has failed to marshal the energies and vast potential of all Rwandans – regardless of ethnic origin, religion, language, or other differences – to build a solid foundation for a shared secure, peaceful, prosperous, progressive and united Rwanda.

We must not remain the Rwanda that is perpetually quarrelsome, self-destructive, and incapable of embracing freedom and democracy as pillars of a peaceful and stable society. Rwandans must reject tyranny and repression because these breed disaffection, mistrust, and conflict. Rwandans must resist abuses of their fundamental human rights exacted by today‟s regime because such abuses are not only inhuman, but also because they embody the seeds of tomorrow‟s tragedies. The RPF under President Kagame has failed to create the circumstances necessary to give the people of Rwanda a break from the cycle of violence and hope for a secure future. Rwandans cannot endure any longer the current state of crisis, the fundamental source of which is the denial of the people‟s inherent right to freedom and security.

The failure of the current government to recognize and accept the legitimacy of the people‟s claim to freedom is not only a constraint to social and economic development; it is also a driver of violent conflict. Rwanda must undergo profound political change if it is to avoid violent conflict and immense human suffering in years to come. The Rwanda National Congress is committed to mobilizing the whole of Rwandan society to empower citizens to work together peacefully to replace the current repressive regime with a democratic, multi-ethnic nation.

The Rwanda National Congress reminds all present and future generations of Rwandans that Rwanda is much more important than, and must transcend, any single person, any single dictator, any single ethnic group, any single region, or any single organization or political party. Rwanda is an enduring and beautiful nation with a resilient people, each one of whom is endowed with inalienable rights as a human being and citizen of the nation. Rwanda is our only home, one in which we and posterity are entitled to live in peace and harmony. We can only survive and thrive as a nation if we work together to ensure prosperity, justice and peace for all its inhabitants.

The renewal of our nation will require a new approach to governance and the management of conflict. The new Rwanda that we seek to build must be grounded in freedom as its foundation. The strategies that we shall apply to resolve the crisis that Rwanda faces must be anchored in values, and must aim to address the root causes of conflict in our society and to restore dignity to all our people.
It is the mission and core goal of the Rwanda National Congress to mobilise all Rwandans to participate in building a future based on freedom, unity, peace, equality, democracy and prosperity for all.

STRATEGY 7: Opening Space for Political Participation and Good Governance

The Rwanda National Congress advocates and supports a variety of measures to liberalize citizen‟s participation in politics, including the following:

– Review of laws that limit the freedom of political parties to register and to function freely and without fear of repression
-Fostering the development of a vibrant, independent, diverse, and responsible civil society, especially including independent human rights organizations and an independent media
– Establishing mechanisms to ensure free and fair elections, including an independent and inclusive national electoral commission, and to ensure the independent exercise of political party financing


Il a été annoncé le vendredi 2 décembre 2011 sous la plume d’Andrew Bagala du Journal The Monitor) en Ouganda que le rédacteur d’Inyenyeri News du Rwanda, Charles Ingabire qui avait trouvé refuge en Ouganda pour des raisons politiques avait été tué par balles devant un bar de Kampala. Le porte-parole de la Police Métropolitaine de Kampala, M. Ibin Ssenkumbi a confirme le meurtre. Le dimanche 4 décembre 2011, Andrew Bagala a encore rapporté dans les colonnes du même journal que les parents et amis du défunt devaient cacher leurs visages au service funéraire religieux. « Ils sont entrés un à un dans l’Evangelical Restoration Church à Bakuli, en évitant le contact visuel avec des étrangers, ne parlant qu’avec des voix à peine audibles. Beaucoup de ceux que nous avons approchés nous ont avoué qu’ils avaient fui la persécution « au pays » et qu’ils ne voulaient en aucun cas être photographiés ou révéler leur identité. Des hommes en civil portant des gadgets utilisés par les agents de sécurité étaient présents au service funéraire. On pouvait les voir i avec leurs émetteurs-récepteurs pendant que se poursuivait le service funéraire. Ingabire avait fui le Rwanda pour l’Ouganda en craignant pour sa vie pour avoir critiqué le Président rwandais Paul Kagame et son gouvernement. Aucun représentant du gouvernement du Rwanda n’était présent aux funérailles.

Charles Ingabire avait essaye de refaire sa vie après le génocide qui emporté presque tous les membres de sa famille mais comme le rapporte Giles Muhame dans Chipreports du 2 décembre 2011, avant sa fuite en Ouganda, Ingabire avait fondé Ongera Micro-Finance, qui avait très vite commencé à des bénéfices à Kigali, avant sa fuite en Ouganda. D’après ses informations, l’épouse du chef de l’Etat rwandais, Mme Jeannette Kagame avait commencé à jeter un regard intéressé sur l’institution. Mais Ingabire était contre toute ingérence de l’Etat. Graduellement, les rouages de l’Etat avaient sévèrement sévi contre l’institution qu’ils avaient réussi à mettre à genoux. Craignant pour sa vie, Ingabire avait pris le large. Destination : Kampala. Des sources ont indiqué qu’avant sa fuite, les services de renseignement avaient voulu l’emprisonner, pour « utilisation des noms des hauts dirigeants du pays en vue d’obtenir de l’argent des pays européens pour financer son institution ».

Le Congrès National Rwandais condamne dans les termes les plus vigoureux cette politique odieuse et lâche d’assassinats politiques utilisés par le Président Kagame pour terroriser ceux qui le critiquent et les rwandais en général et les réduire au silence. Au cours de ces dernières années, le Président Kagame a eu recours aux assassinats, à la disparition forcée et à l’emprisonnement comme moyen de se maintenir au pouvoir. Au pays comme à l’étranger, les rwandais visent dans la terreur. Le Rwanda est devenu une Armée possédant un Pays. Le moins que l’on puisse dire, c’est que le Rwanda est un état policier, compte tenu du fait que les agents de l’état arrêtent, emprisonnent et tuent les opposants politiques dans la plus grande impunité. Comme l’a si bien dit l’Ambassadeur des Etats-Unis auprès des Nations Unies, Susan Rice, dans son discours dans la capitale rwandaise, « les activistes de la société civile, les journalistes, les opposants politiques ont souvent peur de s’organiser pacifiquement et de s’exprimer. Certains ont fait l’objet de harcèlement, d’autres ont été intimidés par des appels anonymes de nuit. D’autres sont tout simplement disparus. La culture politique au Rwanda du Président Kagame demeure comparativement fermée ». Charles Ingabire est la dernière victime qui vient donner une preuve de plus de la pertinence des propos de cette diplomate américaine de haut rang.

Dernièrement encore, les britanniques ont adressé un sévère avertissement au Président Kagame, des « conséquences graves » qu’entraineraient des attaques contre les exilés rwandais vivant au Royaume-Uni. Ces derniers se plaignaient du harcèlement constant auquel ils étaient soumis de la part des espions rwandais. La vie et les activités de ces personnes en avaient été affectées. D’autres gouvernements occidentaux ont eu à avertir les rwandais qui vivent dans leurs pays que leurs vies étaient menacées par les opérations du régime de Kigali accusés de vouloir commettre des assassinats par des « moyens conventionnels et non conventionnels ».

Charles Ingabire était l’un des survivants du génocide rwandais que Kagame se vante d’avoir sauvé. Le comble de l’ironie, c’est que Kagame invoque le génocide pour revendiquer la rectitude morale dans les capitales étrangères, tout en faisant passer de vie à trépas, les Tutsi qui ont survécu, qui vivent tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur du Rwanda. D’autres survivants Tutsi, tels qu’Asiel Kabera, l’ancien conseiller du Président Pasteur Bizimungu, ont été assassinés par balles par des soldats de la Garde Présidentielle, pour avoir critiqué le Président Paul Kagame. Au Rwanda, cela relève du secret de polichinelle, car les suspects de ce crime sont notamment les redoutables tueurs au service de Kagame, dont le tristement célèbre Général de Brigade Jack Nziza qui a à son crédit plusieurs assassinats pour lesquels aucune poursuite n’a été lancée depuis onze ans. Comme beaucoup de ses collègues de la clique, Jack Nziza a prospéré dans le crime et l’impunité. De nombreux Tutsi ont été tués avant, pendant et après le génocide de 1994 par Paul Kagame. Plusieurs de ceux qui ont fui le Rwanda sont toujours pourchassés comme leurs compatriotes Hutu, hommes et femmes. De l’ancien roi du Rwanda, Kigeli Ndahindurwa qui est exil depuis plus de cinq décennies en passant par l’ancien Président de l’Assemblée Nationale, Joseph Sebarenzi jusqu’au Général Kayumba et au Colonel Karegeya qui ont échappé à plusieurs tentatives d’assassinat, il est clair que la terreur est de plus en plus aveugle au facteur ethnique. Exception faite d’une poignée de ceux que le Président Kagame a choisi pour servir dans ses activités criminelles, les Tutsi du FPR et des Forces Rwandaises de Défense sont des otages qui vivent dans la terreur, fuient le Rwanda tous les jours et attendent, comme les Hutu, d’être délivrés du régime de la terreur. Pour Kagame, tous les rwandais sont des ennemis, jusqu’à preuve du contraire. Kagame est le tombeur non seulement des Hutu, mais aussi des Tutsi.

Les penchants rapaces et kleptomanes de la famille du Président et de son FPR forcent de nombreux rwandais à fuir le pays. Le cas de Charles Ingabire fait partie de la longue série de citoyens ordinaires qui ont fui à l’étranger pour y être pourchassés et assassinés par des hommes armés envoyés par le pouvoir. Tous les réfugiés rwandais vivent dans la peur, qu’ils soient dans des camps de réfugiés ou dans les villes. Par exemple, les comptes de l’Ambassade du Rwanda en Belgique ont été fermés sur ordre d’une décision judiciaire, dans un procès intenté par Gaspard Gatera, un réfugié rwandais qui avait été menacé de mort par des agents de l’Etat pour avoir demandé paiement pour services rendus dans le cadre d’un contrat impliquant des Départements du gouvernement. Gaspard Gatera vit dans la peur en Belgique, où il est harcelé par des agents de l’Etat. Compte tenu des informations ci-dessus, le Président Kagame ne peut absous des motifs qui sont à la base de la fuite de Charles Ingabire ni encore moins des circonstances de son assassinat. Il est important de remonter au commanditaire et à l’organisateur de l’assassinat d’Ingabire.

Il n’est pas surprenant que Kagame, qui s’est affiché comme le héros libérateur et qui a bénéficié de la fausse image de protecteur des survivants du génocide au Rwanda, sévisse contre ceux qui veulent montrer au monde que le héros n’est en fait qu’un vulgaire imposteur.

L’assassinat de Charles Ingabire sert également à envoyer trois messages suivants :

Premièrement, le Président Kagame est un paranoïaque, un tueur en série qui s’est donné les moyens de poursuivre n’importe qui partout dans le monde, pour l’assassiner. Ce message est adressé à tous les rwandais pour leur dire qu’ils ne peuvent se cacher nulle part et qu’ils doivent supporter, accepter et en fait embrasser la dictature chez eux. L’absence d’un représentant de l’Ambassade du Rwanda aux funérailles alors que le Président Kagame se vante d’être le pilier du devoir de protection des africains en envoyant des troupes au Soudan constitue un acte éloquent d’accusation d’un régime qui perdu toute idée de la décence.

Deuxièmement, l’Ouganda n’est pas un pays sûr pour les réfugiés rwandais et les criminels envoyés par le régime rwandais y font comme chez eux. La rapidité de l’enterrement et l’absence de la moindre déclaration du gouvernement ougandais envoie un message assourdissant qui confirme l’intimidante impunité du Président Kagame dans toute la sous région. Le message pour les citoyens ougandais, c’est que les armes sont dirigées maintenant contre les rwandais. Leur tour, c’est demain.

Troisièmement, la Communauté International n’a toujours pas compris qui est Monsieur Kagame. Comme toujours, ce dernier attend comme d’habitude de la Communauté Internationale qu’elle ne lève pas le petit doigt en rapport avec ce crime qui n’est pas le dernier. Après avoir assassiné d’innombrables rwandais et des millions de réfugiés qui étaient placés sous la protection du Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les Réfugiés (HCR) –voir Mapping Report, aucune conséquence ne doit suivre l’assassinat d’un réfugié de plus en Ouganda.

Le Congrès National Rwandais condamne cet acte odieux dans les termes les plus vigoureux et demande à la Communauté Internationale, et en particulier au HCR de suspendre les négociations avec le gouvernement rwandais sur la clause ce cessation de la protection internationale. Il n’est pas justifiable que le HCR continue de prendre part à un processus qui force les réfugiés à rentrer dans un pays dont la direction politique pourchasse et assassine les réfugiés dans leurs pays d d’asile.

L’observation de l’Ambassadeur Susan Rice lors de sa dernière visite au Rwanda servira de conclusion à ce communique. Elle a rappelé les mots prononcés par le Président Kagame lui-même au moment de la crise libyenne. « Comme le Président Kagame l’a dit, le soulèvement en Libye a envoyé un message aux dirigeants de l’Afrique et d’ailleurs. C’est que si nous nous détachons de nos peuples, et si nous ne leur rendons pas les services qu’ils méritent, et ne nous occupons pas de leurs besoins, il y aura des conséquences. Leurs revendications vont s’accumuler, et tôt ou tard, ils vont se retourner contre nous ». Le Président Kagame s’est détaché du peuple rwandais ; leurs besoins et surtout leur droit à la vie sont le dernier de ses soucis ; leurs griefs, leurs doléances et leurs revendications se sont dangereusement accumulés au-delà des limites de ce qui est maitrisable. Les conséquences du règne de la terreur du Président Kagame sont la mort, la destruction, la peur et l’exil. Et que le peuple rwandais ne veut plus de lui.

Le Président Kagame est un tueur en série incontesté et un boucher déchainé. Le Congrès National Rwandais lance un appel à tous les rwandais, Hutu, Tutsi et Twa pour qu’ils se mettent ensemble pour mettre fin à cette dictature. Tot ou tard, le peuple rwandais sera victorieux, et le régime de la terreur est voué à la disparition.

Dr.Theogene Rudasingwa
Washington DC